The precipitous drop in the number of actively religious, particularly nuns, has deprived Catholic establishments of a large pool of cheap labour. SIR – There is another factor in the steady decline of Catholic school finances over the past 45 years (“ God and times tables”, May 15th). Most Thais support this participatory process of reform, giving us hope that we can pull through this crisis. That is why the prime minister proposed a comprehensive reconciliation plan, including safeguards against politicising the monarchy. The nature of the crisis does not lend itself to a simple resolution. The Economist's analytical framework coincides with the attempt by some groups to draw the monarchy into the present conflict and so advance their political ends.
Doubts could be raised about your neutrality. Moreover, Thailand's monarchy has evolved and will undoubtedly remain one of the kingdom's pillars of stability. The signing of royal commands appointing coup leaders to administer state affairs, as in 2006, are consistent with his apolitical role. The appointment of an interim prime minister after the coup in 1991 was in accordance with his constitutional role. Throughout his reign the king's words and actions have reflected his commitment to democracy he has taken great care to remain above politics and never join sides. But to come to the conclusion that the monarchy has taken sides, and is no longer above politics nor an important guarantor of the nation's stability, is the worst misjudgment of all.
To use terms such as “the royalist elite”' and “the palace” misrepresents the role of the monarchical institution. To portray the conflict in Thailand as a fight between the rural poor, and urban elites “who are closer to the revered King Bhumibol and his family”, is misconceived. SIR – I feel obliged to set the facts straight on a few points that you have raised once again concerning the Thai monarchy (“ The battle of Bangkok”, “ A polity imploding”, May 22nd).
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